Nga “terrorizmi islamik” te “ortodoksia shqiptare”: lufta për identitetin shqiptar në Maqedoninë e Veriut
Në Maqedoninë e Veriut, përplasja mbi identitetin shqiptar nuk zhvillohet vetëm në politikë. Ajo kalon edhe përmes gjuhës së sigurisë, përkufizimit të ekstremizmit, narrativave fetare, kujtesës historike dhe mënyrës se si përcaktohet marrëdhënia ndërmjet kombësisë dhe besimit.
Në njërën anë qëndron shqiptari mysliman, i cili në diskursin e sigurisë rrezikon të reduktohet në kategorinë e “islamistit”, “radikalit” ose “xhihadistit”. Në anën tjetër qëndron shqiptari ortodoks, identiteti i të cilit sfidon një tjetër ekuacion nacionalist: atë që e barazon ortodoksinë me përkatësinë sllave, serbe ose maqedonase.
Këto janë dy mekanizma të ndryshëm, por përfundojnë në të njëjtin rezultat: përkufizimin e shqiptarit përmes fesë dhe jo përmes identitetit të tij kombëtar.
“Terrorizmi islamik” dhe rasti i Shkupit
Më 30 prill 2026, Agjencia e Sigurisë Kombëtare, në bashkëpunim me Prokurorinë për Ndjekjen e Krimit të Organizuar dhe Korrupsionit dhe Ministrinë e Punëve të Brendshme, zhvilloi një aksion në Shkup. Sipas ANB-së, operacioni pasoi identifikimin e personave dhe të një rrjeti logjistik që, sipas të dhënave operative të agjencisë, lidhej me një grup radikal të frymëzuar nga rrjeti global i Shtetit Islamik.[1]
Autoritetet e lidhën operacionin me një përpjekje për djegien e një objekti të Komunitetit Hebraik në Shkup dhe me aktivitete të dhunshme të ndërmarra pas një thirrjeje të ISIS-it në fillim të prillit.[1]
Më 17 qershor 2026, Prokuroria njoftoi një tjetër rast. Pesë persona nga Shkupi, të moshave 22 deri në 34 vjeç, u vunë nën hetim për veprën penale “organizatë terroriste”. Sipas Prokurorisë, grupi ishte formuar në internet në fund të vitit 2024 dhe gjatë viteve 2025–2026 kishte shpërndarë materiale që promovonin ideologjinë e ISIS-it dhe organizatave të tjera terroriste të lidhura ideologjikisht me të.[2]
Në këtë rast, institucionet kanë qenë të qarta: bëhet fjalë për hetime konkrete, persona konkretë, materiale konkrete dhe vepra penale konkrete.
Por pikërisht këtu fillon problemi më i gjerë i diskursit publik.
Një individ shqiptar që dyshohet për terrorizëm nuk përfaqëson shqiptarët. Një grup që propagandon ISIS-in nuk përfaqëson Islamin. Dhe lufta kundër terrorizmit nuk mund të shndërrohet në luftë kundër një identiteti etnik.
Kjo është vija ndarëse që institucionet e sigurisë duhet ta ruajnë, ndërsa gazetaria duhet ta kontrollojë.
Sepse, kur një kategori fetare dhe një kategori etnike fillojnë të përdoren si sinonime, terrorizmi individual shndërrohet në stigmatizim kolektiv.
Shqiptari nuk fillon dhe nuk mbaron me fenë
Historia e shqiptarëve në Maqedoninë e Veriut e bën të pamundur çdo përkufizim të shqiptarisë përmes një feje të vetme.
Shqiptarët e këtij territori kanë qenë dhe janë myslimanë, ortodoksë dhe katolikë.
Një prej dëshmive më të forta gjendet në Rekën e Epërme.
Komunitetet shqiptare ortodokse të Rekës janë dokumentuar në literaturën historike dhe në dëshmi publike. Branko Manojllovski e ka artikuluar hapur identitetin e tij si shqiptar dhe ortodoks, duke folur për një histori ku shqiptarët myslimanë dhe ortodoksë kanë jetuar në të njëjtën hapësirë.[3]
Kjo nuk është vetëm një çështje kujtese individuale.
Regjistri zyrtar i Komisionit për Marrëdhënie me Bashkësitë Fetare dhe Grupet Fetare të Maqedonisë së Veriut përfshin Bashkësinë Fetare të Shqiptarëve Ortodoksë në Republikën e Maqedonisë.[4]
Pra, shqiptari ortodoks nuk është një konstruksion teorik.
Ai është identitet i deklaruar publikisht dhe i njohur në regjistrin shtetëror të bashkësive fetare.
Josif Bageri dhe Reka që nuk u nda sipas fesë
Në historinë e kësaj hapësire qëndron edhe Josif Bageri.
I lindur në Nistrovë të Rekës së Epërme, Bageri ishte veprimtar i Rilindjes Kombëtare Shqiptare dhe pjesë e përpjekjeve për zhvillimin e arsimit dhe të kulturës shqiptare.[5]
Rëndësia e tij për këtë analizë qëndron pikërisht në faktin se historia e Rekës nuk mund të reduktohet në ndarjen e shqiptarëve sipas përkatësisë fetare.
Rilindja shqiptare e trajtoi gjuhën dhe vetëdijen kombëtare si elemente që mund të bashkonin shqiptarët përtej dallimeve fetare.
Kjo e bën Rekën një kundërargument historik ndaj çdo ideologjie që kërkon të ndërtojë ekuacionin:
mysliman = shqiptar; ortodoks = sllav.
Ky ekuacion nuk përputhet me historinë e shqiptarëve të Ballkanit.
Konstandini dhe krishterimi përpara nacionalizmit
Një tjetër element që duhet vendosur në perspektivë është historia e krishterimit të hershëm.
Konstandini i Madh lidhet me Naissusin, qytetin antik që sot njihet si Nish. Ai ishte një nga figurat themelore të historisë së krishterimit të shekullit IV dhe thirri Këshillin e Nikesë në vitin 325.[6]
Por Konstandini nuk mund të trajtohet si “themelues i Kishës Ortodokse” në kuptimin institucional modern. Konceptet e kishave kombëtare dhe ndarja katoliko-ortodokse i përkasin periudhave shumë më të vona.
Ky dallim është themelor.
Krishterimi i shekullit IV nuk ishte pronë kombëtare serbe, maqedonase apo shqiptare.
Nacionalizmi ballkanik është fenomen shumë më i vonshëm.
Prandaj, kur një traditë universale fetare fillon të përkufizohet si pronë ekskluzive e një kombi, kemi kaluar nga besimi te nacionalizimi i fesë.
Kisha Serbe, Kisha Maqedonase dhe konflikti mbi identitetin
Historia e Kishës Ortodokse Serbe dhe asaj Maqedonase e dëshmon se çështja kishtare në Ballkan ka pasur prej kohësh dimension kombëtar dhe politik.
Konflikti mbi statusin e Kishës Maqedonase nuk ishte vetëm një mosmarrëveshje kanonike. Ai u zhvillua në një hapësirë ku feja, gjuha, territori dhe identiteti kombëtar ishin të ndërthurura.
Vetë Kisha Ortodokse Serbe, në komunikatën e saj të 16 majit 2022, rikujtoi se ndërprerja e bashkimit kanonik kishte ardhur pas shpalljes së njëanshme të autoqefalisë nga Kisha Maqedonase në vitin 1967.[7]
Por historia mori një kthesë të rëndësishme në vitin 2022.
KOS riktheu bashkimin liturgjik dhe kanonik me Kishën Maqedonase dhe më pas njohu autoqefalinë e saj.[7][8]
Ky fakt nuk duhet anashkaluar.
Ai tregon se konflikti institucional KOS–KOM nuk mund të përdoret sot si provë se KOS vazhdon të ushtrojë kontroll institucional mbi Kishën Maqedonase.
Por ai nuk e zhduk historinë e nacionalizimit të identiteteve fetare në rajon.
Dhe nuk e mbyll pyetjen tjetër: çfarë ndodh me shqiptarin ortodoks brenda hapësirave ku ortodoksia është lidhur historikisht me projekte kombëtare serbe ose maqedonase?
Nacionalizimi i fesë dhe problemi i shqiptarit ortodoks
Nacionalizimi i fesë funksionon përmes një mekanizmi të thjeshtë: feja përdoret si shenjë kombësie.
Nëse ortodoksinë e përkufizon si ekskluzivisht serbe ose maqedonase, atëherë shqiptari ortodoks bëhet një përjashtim i pakëndshëm për këtë skemë.
Por historia e Rekës e rrëzon këtë përjashtim.
Shqiptari ortodoks ekziston.
Ai ka ekzistuar historikisht.
Ai është deklaruar publikisht.
Dhe një bashkësi shqiptare ortodokse figuron në regjistrin shtetëror.
Kështu, problemi nuk qëndron te shqiptari ortodoks.
Problemi shfaqet vetëm atëherë kur dikush kërkon t’i tregojë atij se cilin identitet duhet të zgjedhë.
Nëse i thuhet shqiptarit se, për shkak se është ortodoks, duhet të jetë serb ose maqedonas, atëherë feja po përdoret si mekanizëm për ndryshimin ose mohimin e identitetit kombëtar.
Kjo është pikërisht forma e përçarjes që duhet të shqyrtohet.
Nga ndarja fetare te albanofobia
Albanofobia nuk shfaqet domosdoshmërisht vetëm përmes deklaratave të drejtpërdrejta kundër shqiptarëve.
Ajo mund të shfaqet edhe përmes mënyrës se si ndërtohet shqiptari në diskurs.
Shqiptari mysliman mund të reduktohet në “islamist”.
Shqiptari ortodoks mund të reduktohet në “maqedonas” ose “serb”.
Në të dyja rastet, identiteti shqiptar dobësohet.
Në rastin e parë, shqiptari paraqitet si rrezik sigurie.
Në rastin e dytë, shqiptari humbet si subjekt kombëtar.
Ky është thelbi i tezës së këtij shkrimi:
Përçarja fetare nuk është thjesht ndarje ndërmjet dy komuniteteve fetare; ajo mund të përdoret për ta copëzuar vetë identitetin shqiptar në kategori që mund të kontrollohen, stigmatizohen ose përvetësohen nga narrativa të tjera kombëtare.
Dimensioni rus dhe serb i luftës informative
Në këtë pikë hyn dimensioni i luftës hibride.
Instituti për Studime të Komunikimit në Shkup ka dokumentuar se Maqedonia e Veriut është pjesë e mjedisit ku operacionet e manipulimit dhe ndërhyrjes së huaj informative, të njohura si FIMI, përdorin dobësitë shoqërore dhe konfliktet ekzistuese për të ndikuar në perceptimet publike.[9]
Në studimin e tij të posaçëm për FIMI-n ruse në Maqedoninë e Veriut, instituti thekson se Ballkani Perëndimor përbën një terren të rëndësishëm për operacionet e ndikimit rus dhe se tensionet dypalëshe dhe konfliktet e brendshme mund të përdoren për të amplifikuar narrativat e ndikimit.[9]
Kjo është e rëndësishme për analizën e përçarjes fetare.
Një operacion ndikimi nuk ka nevojë të krijojë konfliktin nga zero.
Mjafton të gjejë një vijë ekzistuese ndarjeje dhe ta thellojë atë.
Në Maqedoninë e Veriut, një prej vijave më të ndjeshme është ajo që lidh etninë, fenë dhe identitetin kombëtar.
Nishi si pjesë e mozaikut ruso-serb
Në këtë kontekst, Qendra Humanitare Ruso-Serbe në Nish nuk mund të anashkalohet nga një analizë e ndikimit ruso-serb në Ballkan.
Qendra paraqitet zyrtarisht si strukturë humanitare ruso-serbe, e fokusuar në reagimin ndaj fatkeqësive dhe emergjencave.[10]
Megjithatë, roli i saj ka qenë prej vitesh objekt debati politik dhe sigurie.
Për këtë arsye, Nishi duhet parë jo si provë e një “qendre operative” që kontrollon ngjarjet në Shkup, por si një prej nyjeve institucionale të marrëdhënieve ruso-serbe, rreth së cilës është zhvilluar një debat i gjerë mbi ndikimin dhe sigurinë.
Kjo është në përputhje me analizat më të gjera mbi FIMI-n dhe ndikimin rus në Ballkan.
Por një gjë duhet thënë prerë: asnjë nga këto burime nuk provon se Qendra e Nishit ka drejtuar aksionet antiterroriste në Shkup.
Gazetaria serioze nuk ka nevojë për një lidhje të tillë të paprovuar.
Mjafton të dokumentojë mekanizmin e ndikimit dhe pastaj të ndjekë gjurmët.
Lufta për shqiptarinë zhvillohet edhe brenda ortodoksisë
Kjo është pika ku çështja merr dimensionin më të thellë.
Për shumë dekada, shqiptaria në Ballkan është lexuar përmes fesë. Shqiptari është imagjinuar si mysliman; katoliku shqiptar është trajtuar si përjashtim; ndërsa shqiptari ortodoks është shpesh bërë edhe më i padukshëm.
Por kjo histori nuk përputhet me realitetin.
Reka e Epërme është dëshmi.
Josif Bageri është dëshmi.
Branko Manojllovski është dëshmi.
Regjistri shtetëror i bashkësive fetare është dëshmi.
Historia e shqiptarëve të besimeve të ndryshme është dëshmi.
Kjo është arsyeja pse shqiptari ortodoks ka rëndësi shumë më të madhe se një debat lokal fetar.
Ai e rrëzon idenë se feja e përcakton kombin.
Dhe pikërisht për këtë arsye, identiteti i tij bëhet një fushëbetejë politike dhe kulturore.
Përfundim
Albanofobia moderne nuk duhet kërkuar vetëm në fjalorin e drejtpërdrejtë kundër shqiptarëve.
Ajo mund të shfaqet edhe përmes mënyrës se si shqiptarët klasifikohen.
Shqiptari mysliman reduktohet në rrezik potencial të sigurisë.
Shqiptari ortodoks ndahet nga shqiptaria dhe shtyhet drejt një identiteti tjetër kombëtar.
Në të dyja rastet, identiteti shqiptar humbet kompleksitetin e tij.
Prandaj, beteja për identitetin shqiptar në Maqedoninë e Veriut është njëkohësisht betejë kundër dy reduktimeve: kundër reduktimit të shqiptarit në mysliman dhe kundër reduktimit të ortodoksit në serb ose maqedonas.
Këto dy mekanizma nuk janë të njëjtë, por mund të prodhojnë të njëjtin efekt politik: përçarjen e shqiptarëve sipas fesë.
Në këtë kuptim, Reka nuk është vetëm një kapitull i historisë lokale. Është kundërargument ndaj çdo projekti që e lidh kombin me fenë.
Josif Bageri nuk është vetëm figurë e Rilindjes. Ai është dëshmi se shqiptaria dhe ortodoksia nuk kanë qenë identitete të papajtueshme.
Dhe shqiptari ortodoks i sotëm nuk është paradoks.
Është vazhdimësi e një realiteti që ka ekzistuar shumë përpara se nacionalizmat moderne ballkanike ta shndërronin fenë në kufi kombëtar.
Nëse Maqedonia e Veriut dëshiron të jetë shtet qytetar dhe multietnik, atëherë parimi duhet të jetë i thjeshtë:
Feja nuk përcakton kombin, as kombi nuk duhet ta përcaktojë fenë.
Çdo përpjekje për ta bërë të kundërtën krijon terren për përçarje.
Dhe pikërisht aty, në hapësirën ndërmjet fesë, nacionalizmit, sigurisë dhe identitetit, duhet kërkuar mekanizmi përmes të cilit albanofobia mund të marrë forma të reja.
Fusnotat,
[1] Agjencia e Sigurisë Kombëtare e Republikës së Maqedonisë së Veriut, njoftimi për aksionin antiterrorist të 30 prillit 2026 dhe identifikimin e një grupi radikal të lidhur ideologjikisht me rrjetin global të ISIS-it.
[2] Prokuroria Themelore Publike për Ndjekjen e Krimit të Organizuar dhe Korrupsionit, “Pesë persona nën hetim për organizatë terroriste”, 17 qershor 2026.
[3] Për shqiptarët ortodoksë të Rekës dhe deklaratat publike të Branko Manojllovskit, shih literaturën akademike dhe intervistat e tij publike mbi identitetin shqiptar dhe ortodoks.
[4] Komisioni për Marrëdhënie me Bashkësitë Fetare dhe Grupet Fetare të Republikës së Maqedonisë së Veriut, regjistri zyrtar i bashkësive fetare.
[5] Literatura historike mbi Josif Bagerin dhe veprimtarinë e tij në Rilindjen Kombëtare Shqiptare; Bageri ishte nga Nistrova e Rekës së Epërme dhe veproi për arsimin dhe kulturën shqiptare.
[6] Burime historike dhe akademike mbi Konstandinin e Madh, Naissusin dhe Këshillin e Nikesë të vitit 325.
[7] Kisha Ortodokse Serbe, komunikata e Sinodit/Soborit të Shenjtë të 16 majit 2022 mbi rivendosjen e bashkimit kanonik dhe liturgjik me Kishën Ortodokse Maqedonase.
[8] Kisha Ortodokse Serbe, dokumentacioni zyrtar mbi njohjen e autoqefalisë së Kishës Ortodokse Maqedonase në vitin 2022.
[9] Institute of Communication Studies, Russian FIMI in North Macedonia: Exploiting Vulnerabilities Through Bilateral Disputes, 13 nëntor 2025.
[10] Russian-Serbian Humanitarian Center, dokumentet zyrtare mbi themelimin dhe funksionin e qendrës në Nish.
Prishtinë,28.09.2026
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How Albanophobia Develops Through Religious Division in North Macedonia
Isuf B.Bajrami
From “Islamic Terrorism” to “Albanian Orthodoxy”: The Struggle for Albanian Identity in North Macedonia
In North Macedonia, the conflict over Albanian identity does not take place only in politics. It also operates through the language of security, the definition of extremism, religious narratives, historical memory, and the way in which the relationship between nationality and faith is defined.
On the one hand stands the Muslim Albanian, who, in security discourse, risks being reduced to the category of “Islamist,” “radical,” or “jihadist.” On the other hand stands the Orthodox Albanian, whose identity challenges another nationalist equation: one that equates Orthodoxy with Slavic, Serbian, or Macedonian belonging.
These are two different mechanisms, but they ultimately lead to the same result: defining the Albanian through religion rather than through their national identity.
“Islamic Terrorism” and the Case of Skopje
On April 30, 2026, the National Security Agency, in cooperation with the Public Prosecutor’s Office for Prosecution of Organized Crime and Corruption and the Ministry of Internal Affairs, carried out an operation in Skopje. According to the NSA, the operation followed the identification of individuals and a logistical network that, according to the agency’s operational data, was linked to a radical group inspired by the global Islamic State network.[1]
The authorities linked the operation to an attempt to burn a property belonging to the Jewish Community in Skopje and to violent activities undertaken following an ISIS call at the beginning of April.[1]
On June 17, 2026, the Prosecutor’s Office announced another case. Five people from Skopje, aged between 22 and 34, were placed under investigation for the criminal offense of “terrorist organization.” According to the Prosecutor’s Office, the group had been formed online at the end of 2024 and, during 2025–2026, had distributed materials promoting the ideology of ISIS and other terrorist organizations ideologically linked to it.[2]
In this case, the institutions have been clear: these are concrete investigations, concrete individuals, concrete materials, and concrete criminal offenses.
But this is precisely where the broader problem of public discourse begins.
An Albanian individual suspected of terrorism does not represent Albanians. A group propagating ISIS does not represent Islam. And the fight against terrorism cannot be transformed into a fight against an ethnic identity.
This is the dividing line that security institutions must preserve, while journalism must scrutinize it.
Because when a religious category and an ethnic category begin to be used as synonyms, individual terrorism is transformed into collective stigmatization.
The Albanian Does Not Begin and End with Religion
The history of Albanians in North Macedonia makes any definition of Albanian identity through a single religion impossible.
Albanians of this territory have been and are Muslim, Orthodox, and Catholic.
One of the strongest pieces of evidence can be found in Upper Reka.
The Orthodox Albanian communities of Reka have been documented in historical literature and public testimony. Branko Manojllovski has openly articulated his identity as Albanian and Orthodox, speaking about a history in which Muslim and Orthodox Albanians lived in the same space.[3]
This is not merely a matter of individual memory.
The official register of the Commission for Relations with Religious Communities and Religious Groups of North Macedonia includes the Religious Community of Orthodox Albanians in the Republic of Macedonia.[4]
Therefore, the Orthodox Albanian is not a theoretical construct.
It is an identity publicly declared and recognized in the state register of religious communities.
Josif Bageri and Reka That Was Not Divided by Religion
Josif Bageri also occupies a place in the history of this region.
Born in Nistrovo in Upper Reka, Bageri was an activist of the Albanian National Renaissance and part of the efforts for the development of Albanian education and culture.[5]
His importance for this analysis lies precisely in the fact that the history of Reka cannot be reduced to the division of Albanians according to religious affiliation.
The Albanian Renaissance treated language and national consciousness as elements capable of uniting Albanians beyond religious differences.
This makes Reka a historical counterargument to any ideology seeking to construct the equation:
Muslim = Albanian; Orthodox = Slavic.
This equation does not correspond to the history of the Albanians of the Balkans.
Constantine and Christianity Before Nationalism
Another element that must be placed in perspective is the history of early Christianity.
Constantine the Great is associated with Naissus, the ancient city now known as Niš. He was one of the fundamental figures in the history of fourth-century Christianity and convened the Council of Nicaea in 325.[6]
But Constantine cannot be treated as the “founder of the Orthodox Church” in the modern institutional sense. The concepts of national churches and the Catholic–Orthodox division belong to much later periods.
This distinction is fundamental.
Fourth-century Christianity was not the national property of Serbs, Macedonians, or Albanians.
Balkan nationalism is a much later phenomenon.
Therefore, when a universal religious tradition begins to be defined as the exclusive property of a nation, we have moved from faith to the nationalization of religion.
The Serbian Church, the Macedonian Church, and the Conflict over Identity
The history of the Serbian Orthodox Church and the Macedonian Orthodox Church demonstrates that the church question in the Balkans has long had a national and political dimension.
The conflict over the status of the Macedonian Church was not merely a canonical dispute. It developed in a space where religion, language, territory, and national identity were intertwined.
The Serbian Orthodox Church itself, in its statement of May 16, 2022, recalled that the interruption of canonical communion had followed the unilateral declaration of autocephaly by the Macedonian Church in 1967.[7]
But history took an important turn in 2022.
The SOC restored liturgical and canonical communion with the Macedonian Church and subsequently recognized its autocephaly.[7][8]
This fact should not be overlooked.
It shows that the institutional conflict between the SOC and the MOC cannot today be used as evidence that the SOC continues to exercise institutional control over the Macedonian Church.
But it does not erase the history of the nationalization of religious identities in the region.
Nor does it close the other question: what happens to the Orthodox Albanian within spaces where Orthodoxy has historically been linked to Serbian or Macedonian national projects?
The Nationalization of Religion and the Problem of the Orthodox Albanian
The nationalization of religion operates through a simple mechanism: religion is used as a marker of nationality.
If Orthodoxy is defined as exclusively Serbian or Macedonian, then the Orthodox Albanian becomes an uncomfortable exception to this scheme.
But the history of Reka overturns this exception.
The Orthodox Albanian exists.
He has existed historically.
He has publicly declared his identity.
And an Orthodox Albanian community appears in the state register.
Thus, the problem does not lie with the Orthodox Albanian.
The problem appears only when someone seeks to tell him which identity he should choose.
If an Albanian is told that, because he is Orthodox, he must be Serbian or Macedonian, then religion is being used as a mechanism for changing or denying national identity.
This is precisely the form of division that must be examined.
From Religious Division to Albanophobia
Albanophobia does not necessarily appear only through direct statements against Albanians.
It can also appear through the way in which the Albanian is constructed in discourse.
The Muslim Albanian may be reduced to an “Islamist.”
The Orthodox Albanian may be reduced to a “Macedonian” or “Serb.”
In both cases, Albanian identity is weakened.
In the first case, the Albanian is presented as a security risk.
In the second case, the Albanian disappears as a national subject.
This is the core thesis of this article:
Religious division is not simply a division between two religious communities; it can be used to fragment Albanian identity itself into categories that can be controlled, stigmatized, or appropriated by other national narratives.
The Russian and Serbian Dimension of Information Warfare
At this point, the dimension of hybrid warfare enters the discussion.
The Institute of Communication Studies in Skopje has documented that North Macedonia is part of an environment in which foreign information manipulation and interference operations, known as FIMI, exploit social vulnerabilities and existing conflicts in order to influence public perceptions.[9]
In its specific study on Russian FIMI in North Macedonia, the institute emphasizes that the Western Balkans constitute an important terrain for Russian influence operations and that bilateral tensions and internal conflicts can be used to amplify influence narratives.[9]
This is important for the analysis of religious division.
An influence operation does not need to create a conflict from scratch.
It is enough to find an existing dividing line and deepen it.
In North Macedonia, one of the most sensitive dividing lines is the one connecting ethnicity, religion, and national identity.
Niš as Part of the Russian-Serbian Mosaic
In this context, the Russian-Serbian Humanitarian Center in Niš cannot be left out of an analysis of Russian-Serbian influence in the Balkans.
The Center is officially presented as a Russian-Serbian humanitarian structure focused on responding to disasters and emergencies.[10]
Nevertheless, its role has for years been the subject of political and security debate.
For this reason, Niš should not be viewed as evidence of an “operational center” controlling events in Skopje, but as one of the institutional nodes of Russian-Serbian relations around which a broader debate over influence and security has developed.
This is consistent with broader analyses of FIMI and Russian influence in the Balkans.
But one thing must be stated clearly: none of these sources proves that the Niš Center directed the counterterrorism operations in Skopje.
Serious journalism does not need such an unproven connection.
It is enough to document the mechanism of influence and then follow the traces.
The Struggle for Albanian Identity Also Takes Place Within Orthodoxy
This is the point at which the issue takes on its deepest dimension.
For many decades, Albanian identity in the Balkans has been interpreted through religion. The Albanian has been imagined as Muslim; the Albanian Catholic has been treated as an exception; while the Orthodox Albanian has often been made even more invisible.
But this history does not correspond to reality.
Upper Reka is evidence.
Josif Bageri is evidence.
Branko Manojllovski is evidence.
The state register of religious communities is evidence.
The history of Albanians of different faiths is evidence.
This is why the Orthodox Albanian has significance far greater than a local religious debate.
He overturns the idea that religion determines the nation.
And precisely for this reason, his identity becomes a political and cultural battleground.
Conclusion
Modern Albanophobia should not be sought only in the direct vocabulary used against Albanians.
It can also appear through the way Albanians are classified.
The Muslim Albanian is reduced to a potential security risk.
The Orthodox Albanian is separated from Albanian identity and pushed toward another national identity.
In both cases, Albanian identity loses its complexity.
Therefore, the struggle over Albanian identity in North Macedonia is simultaneously a struggle against two reductions: against reducing the Albanian to a Muslim and against reducing the Orthodox person to a Serb or Macedonian.
These two mechanisms are not the same, but they can produce the same political effect: the division of Albanians along religious lines.
In this sense, Reka is not merely a chapter of local history. It is a counterargument to every project that links nationhood with religion.
Josif Bageri is not merely a figure of the Renaissance. He is evidence that Albanian identity and Orthodoxy have not been incompatible identities.
And the Orthodox Albanian of today is not a paradox.
It is a continuation of a reality that existed long before modern Balkan nationalisms turned religion into a national boundary.
If North Macedonia wishes to be a civic and multiethnic state, then the principle should be simple:
Religion does not determine the nation, nor should the nation determine religion.
Any attempt to do the opposite creates fertile ground for division.
And precisely there, in the space between religion, nationalism, security, and identity, the mechanism through which Albanophobia can take new forms must be sought.
Footnotes,
[1] National Security Agency of the Republic of North Macedonia, statement on the April 30, 2026 counterterrorism operation and the identification of a radical group ideologically linked to the global ISIS network.
[2] Public Prosecutor’s Office for Prosecution of Organized Crime and Corruption, “Five Persons Under Investigation for Terrorist Organization,” June 17, 2026.
[3] For Orthodox Albanians of Reka and the public statements of Branko Manojllovski, see academic literature and his public interviews concerning Albanian and Orthodox identity.
[4] Commission for Relations with Religious Communities and Religious Groups of the Republic of North Macedonia, official register of religious communities.
[5] Historical literature on Josif Bageri and his activities in the Albanian National Renaissance; Bageri was from Nistrovo in Upper Reka and worked for Albanian education and culture.
[6] Historical and academic sources on Constantine the Great, Naissus, and the Council of Nicaea of 325.
[7] Serbian Orthodox Church, statement of the Holy Synod/Holy Assembly of May 16, 2022, on the restoration of canonical and liturgical communion with the Macedonian Orthodox Church.
[8] Serbian Orthodox Church, official documentation concerning the recognition of the autocephaly of the Macedonian Orthodox Church in 2022.
[9] Institute of Communication Studies, Russian FIMI in North Macedonia: Exploiting Vulnerabilities Through Bilateral Disputes, November 13, 2025.
[10] Russian-Serbian Humanitarian Center, official documents concerning the establishment and function of the Center in Niš.
Prishtina,28.09.2026
** FREEDOM, NATIONAL AND HUMAN RIGHTS FOR NINE MILLION ETHNIC ALBANIANS IN “GREECE” **
I kerkojme Ministrise se Jashteme “Greke” te japi te gjithe te drejtat kombetare (Shqiptare), gjuhesore (gjuha Shqipe), kulturore, arsimore dhe te pjesmarrjes se plote ne jeten politike te “Greqise” te 9 milione qytetareve ne “Greqi” me origjine Arvanite/Shqiptare dhe Came.
Kjo kerkese i drejtohet edhe Kyriakos Mitsotakis (Qiriako Micotaqi) – kryeministrit aktual “Grek” me origjine rome.
Te ndalohet menjehere shtypja brutale e te drejtave te njeriut ne “Greqi” per 9 milione banoret me origjine Shqiptare ne Greqi. Nuk ka “minoritet Grek” ne Shqiperi, sepse nuk ka etni “Greke” (kurre ne histori nuk ka pasur) – sepse “Greke” nuk ka ne “Greqi” e jo me te kete ne Shqiperi.
Ministria “Greke” e Puneve te Jashteme te ndaloje menjehere nderhyrjen brutale, cmirezeze, te trashe dhe te pacipe ne punet e brendeshme te Shqiperise.
Ministria e Puneve te Jashteme “Greke” perbehet nga injorante dhe zombie(perfshire ketu edhe njefare Nikos Dhendias – Niko Dhendia, qe eshte bere minister i puneve te jashteme te “Greqise”), dhe nuk e ka idene cdo te thote politike e jashteme.
Prandaj mos mundohet “ti jape mend” Shqiperise e Shqiptareve – sepse “Greqia” vete si shtet eshte e paligjshme ne arenen nderkombetare.
Kjo “Greqi” sic eshte sot, eshte nje shaka e madhe si shtet ne arenen nderkombetare.
Kjo “Greqi” sic eshte sot, ka nderruar gjuhen zytare 2 here qe nga viti 1832, ka nderruar flamurin kombetar 3 here qe nga 1832 (flamuri qe ka ne kohet e sotme eshte flamur i vjedhur nga East India Company, Ltd), dhe ka falimentuar si shtet 5 here qe nga 1832-shi.
Ti jepet ultimatum Greqise qe nese desheron, mund ti organizoje “veprimtarite perkujtimore” cdo vit ne territorin e saj, per ushtaret e saj pushtues ne Shqiperi gjate luftes se dyte boterore – dhe jo ne shtetet fqinje, gje qe eshte fare pa kuptim dhe me qellime kundervenese e te mbrapshta.
Te anullohet menjehere marreveshja per varrezat e pushtuesve Greke te luftes se dyte boterore, te hiqen tere varrezat e pushtuesve Greke nga Shqiperia, dhe te gjitha eshtrat e ushtareve pushtues Greke pa perjashtim, te cohen pa negocim ne Greqi per tu varrosur atje sipas konventes se Vjenes.
“Greqia” te shikoje ti laje borxhin prej 350 miliarde Eurosh (dhe qe vazhdon te rritet cdo dite) qe i ka Gjermanise dhe Komunitetit Europian, sepse s’ka buke te haje, dhe jo me ti shese dengla Shqiperise.
Ti kerkohet Komunitetit Europian dhe Gjermanise, qe ti nderprese menjehere cdo ndihme financiare Greqise, dhe cdo ndihme ne te ardhmen te kushtezohet direkt me plotesimin e te gjitha te drejtave per 9 milione qytetaret ne “Greqi” me origjine Shqiptare.
Greqia nuk duhet te kete “carta bianca” (cek te bardhe) qe me parate e Europes e Gjermanise te vazhdoje te ekzistoje per te masakruar qytetaret e saj vetem se jane Shqiptare (e ti beje ata “Greke” me dhune e me gjak).
Parate e Europes nuk jane e nuk duhet te jepen per te shtypur me gjak te drejtat e njeriut ne “Greqi”.
Dhe mbajeni vath ne vesh: se Shqiperia, po te mos jete “Greqia” ne NATO, i hyn “Greqise” ne Athine me ushtri per dy jave.
Shkruar nga: Arvanitet e Shqiperise se Poshteme (qe quhet “Greqi” padrejtesisht sot) – Athine, Maj 2019
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Greece” will be soon excluded any participation and denied any and all voting rights in the European Union to any matters related to Albania.
This because “Greece” has a flagrant, open and grave conflict of interest as a European Union member related to all matters concerning Albania in the European Union – starting with the Law of the Declaration of War against Albania, which is in effect in the present (i.e. Greece, currently, is in a state of war with Albania), and many other matters that constitute blatant conflict of interest of “Greece” in the European Union concerning Albania.
Greece also has not yet paid the reparations of about 600 billion dollars to Albania – regarding the occupation through the Greek territory of Albania by Germany in 1943, and regarding the ethnocide and holocaust of Greece against Albanians in Albania (Chams and Albanians in southern Albania), and against its own citizens of Albanian descent (numbering over 9 million today in Greece).
The vote of “Greece” in the European Union is the only thing left for this “Greece” to bully Albania related to all matters in the relations between this “Greece” and Albania.
Albanian government should quickly set up a team of qualified attorneys to file a lawsuit with the European Commission to exclude Greece from any decision making in the European Commission regarding Albania.
On the other hand, Albanian government should act as an equal and reciprocate – by immediately putting on the table its counter requirements that the European Union and European Commission must fulfill to open the road for the Albania joining the European Union in equal footing and as an equal partner and in parity.
One of those non-negotiable requirements should be that “Greece” be excluded immediately from any decision making and vote regarding Albania and Albanian related matters in the European Union and European Commission.
European Union and European Commission are not mafia type organizations, ”that will blindly do whatever a member of the mob organization would demand”.
This “Greece” is acting like a member of the Camorra and/or a typical “Greek” mob underworld that can force its will on other mobsters by asking for other mob members total submission and obedience to its demands.
Greece should also be expelled from the European Union and NATO – as a country that does not fulfill any and all criteria/requirements to be in the European Union and NATO, and because Greece is a dictatorship in the middle of Europe that does not recognize any rights at all for over 9 million Albanians/Arvanites and Chams in Greece.
———————————————————————————————————————————– So-called “Greece” is a made-up and fake country – made out of ethnic cleansing, racism, holocaust and ethnocide against Albanians (Arvanites and Chams) of Lower Albania.
All (100%) leading and senior commanders of the 1821 revolution in the Lower Albania (called unjustly “Greece” today – a name without any factual and historical meaning), where Albanians (Chams and Arvanites).
Up until 1832, all that region (called “Greece” today) spoke only Albanian.
Out of 100% of the people living there in that region up until 1832, about 92-95% were Albanians (Arvanites and Chams), the rest were minorities.
Albanians are the descendants of Pelasgians and Illyrians (since 10,000 years and more ago).
The Trojan War – was a war between Pelasgians and Illyrians – both ancient Albanian kingdoms/confederations, falsely represented as “Greek” by con and planted “historians”.
Homer’s “Iliad and Odyssey” epic poems are Pelasgian era poems – falsely represented as “Greek” by con an plated “historians”.
The Thermopylae Battle – was a battle between Pelasgian army (Sparta – a Pelasgian city) and Persian army, falsely represented as “Greek” battle against Persians by con and planted “historians”.
The Koine/”Greek” language (a made-up religious language of Roman Empire times – same as Latin language was a religious language for the western part of the Roman Empire), was forced onto Albanians of that region (Arvanites and Chams) after 1832, through ethnic cleansing, holocaust and ethnocide by European powers (through racist Prince Otto of Germany), Russian Empire of that time, and the dangerous anti-Christian sect/cult called “Anadolli Orthodox Church”.
There is no such thing as “Greece”.
Greece is a scam country, artificially created by 1832, from the mafia type collusion of corrupt European powers of that time who brought Prince Otto of Germany to power in that region, Russian Empire of that time, and the dangerous anti-Christian sect/cult of so-called Anadolli Orthodox Church of that time (1832).
This country so-called “Greece”, has gone entirely bankrupt and belly-up five times from 1832 through 2018, has changed the “official language” of the country two times, and has changed the national flag three times from 1832 through 2019.
The latest and current national flag of this “Greece” being a blue-color replica of the East India Company flag (the British company who ruled and controlled all trade to and from India during the British rule in India).
This is enough to tell all, who this made-up country really is – a country with no real and true national identity, a zombie country.
If it was not for the free money from Germany, Russian Empire and European powers of that time (1832) and European Union now being poured every year to this “Greece” since 1832 through present, this kind of country would cease to exist tomorrow.
And the big joke is, that this “Greece” is in a state of war with Albania today.
This “Greece” has officially declared war against Albania since October 1940 – through the Law of the Declaration of War against Albania, approved by the “Greek” parliament and the foreign powers’ installed King for “Greece” on October 1940.
Freedom and full human and national rights to 9 million Albanians of Lower Albania (called unjustly “Greece” today). Freedom to Albanians of Lower Albania (called unjustly “Greece” today).
Albanian should be the official language of the Lower Albania, and the country should be officially called and internationally recognized as Lower Albania.
Source: Brotherhood of Albanians/Arvanites and Chams of Kryekuq – Athina , April 2019, Lower Albania
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**** THE PLACE CALLED GREECE NEVER EXISTED BEFORE AS WE KNOW IT TODAY ******
The place called Greece never existed before as we know it today. The people who live in the so called Greece today used to be called “Romej” during Byzantine Empire and “Raja” during Ottoman Empire times (except the Arvanites and Chams who used to be called always by their name like “Albani”, “Albanoi”, etc.) and the name “Greece” never existed during Byzantine times.
The people who live in the so called “Greece” today are NOT the descendants of ancient “Greece” (as the world history knows it – that civilization has been an Illyrian-Pelasgian civilization, intentionally misrepresented as “Greek” by con and planted “historians”).
Regarding the religious language used in the eastern part of the Roman Empire (an invented/made-up language by Roman religious administrators called Koine/”Greek”) – it fell out of use, and went extinct times ago (about 2000 yrs ago).
Same happened with the Latin language (an invented/made-up language as well, which was spoken in the western part of the Roman Empire) – it fell out of use and went extinct, and is rarely spoken nowadays, except in few and certain official religious ceremonies in Vatican and for international medical terminology only.
During Ottoman times in the Balkans, after the great powers pushed for an uprising in the place that today is called “Greece”, an independent country was formed during 1821-1832.
The majority of the population (around 92-95%) there was of Arvanites and Chameria (together with Albanian speaking regions of Follorina, Kosturi, Athens and Peloponez) stock.
The rest of the minority population (around 5%) was of Aromanian, Slav, Turks, and Roma stock.
The only language spoken up until 1821-1832, in the region that today is unjustly called “Greece”, was Albanian.
There were no “Greeks” whatsoever, they did not exist as ethnicity, population and language at all, up until 1821-1832 period in that region.
Albanians also were the backbone of the uprising for independence from the Ottoman Empire – with 100% of the all senior leading commanders of the uprising for independence during 8121-1832, being of Albanian stock (Arvanites and Chams).
The Arvanite Republic was the initial nucleus independent country established in the Morea/Peloponnese region by 1821.
After the gain of independence, the region was so divided, and with a prolonged civil war that a real country could not be formed on the entire region.
Fearing the disintegration of the region after Ottomans left (and the possibility of a return of the Ottomans), Prince Otto of Germany was installed in by European powers and Russian Empire, in order to clear the mess and initiate nation – building there.
He was proclaimed King of the region by great European powers and the Russian Empire of that time and given, at the same time, plenipotentiary powers to rule.
The Prince Otto royal family in Germany (Bavarian dynasty) happen to be an admirer of the ancient civilizations, one of them being the extinct ancient “Greek” civilization, traces and archeological findings of which are also seen in that region called today “Greece” as well.
Being an ancient history romantic and buff, “living in a bubble” and being completely out of touch with the realities of the Illyrian Peninsula at that time, Otto came up with the idea (in collusion also with the then Russian Empire and an anti-Christian dangerous religious cult in that region at that time – some self-proclaimed “Orthodox” Church), that the only way to keep the place together and for a chance to build a country there, was to adopt/impose some kind of neutral/foreign ancient language and culture for all people living in that place, that will make possible for the people to stick together under one language and culture imposed on them.
Therefore, with a special royal decree, Otto proclaimed a version of the ancient artificial “Greek”/Koine language (the easier one to be taught and learned by people there in those times) as an official language of the place, and also came up with the new name for the place, calling it with a special royal decree “Greece” (a name without any historical and factual meaning).
Everything else was banned, and the new “country” formed, was ordered to be rebuild anew in resemblance of the old romantic view of the ancient extinct “Greek” civilization, starting with the buildings, names of people, places, cities and villages, regions, mountains, fields and all were changed to made-up names borrowed from the ancient literature of an imaginary ancient “Greek” civilization.
This of course was accompanied with money brought in by European powers to rebuild. The more people in that region agreed with the change of their true national and ethnic identity and declared themselves artificially “Greeks/Helenes” and adopted to the new order, the more money was to be pouring in.
Naturally, the strongest resistance to this artificial and made-up solution, was made by the Arvanites (who consider themselves to be pure Albanians at the same time – contrary to the today’s Greek governments laughable, nonsense, and desperate lying propaganda that falsely declares that “Arvanite of Greece speak Albanian but are not Albanians but Greeks”) and Chams, but at no avail.
It is legendary, the loss by one vote (the illegal vote of then French Ambassador) in the Price Otto’s rigged Parliament of that time, of Arvanite and Chams proposal to have the Albanian (Arvanite) language as an official language of the place called ‘Greece” today, and to name and call the new country “Arvanoi (Albania)” (instead of “Greece).
There is overwhelming scientific and factual evidence, archival and historical documents, as well as studies and publications by major world-renowned authors and authorities in the field, about all of the above.
One interesting fact here, is that one of the earlier German/Austrian well known historians and scientists of that time, Fallmerayer, alerted Prince Otto and others to this nonsense, of declaring a whole people and place by a name not belonging to them (so experimenting with them as they were guinea pigs), and injecting an extinct artificial language, culture and civilization on people who had no idea about it and did not belong to it at all. Well, Fallmerayer may have proven to be right.
By the way, Fallmerayer, is a banned figure and historian by the dictatorial klepto-theocracy regime in what is called “Greece” today.
Through a thorough fact finding mission and field observations during the same time (of Prince Otto’s installation to power in the region called “Greece” today), another world-renowned German historian, subject-matter expert and scientist of that time, Prof. Hans Heidenauer, came to the conclusion and reported back to German royal authorities that – “there are no ‘Greeks’ whatsoever in the region, they don’t exist – there are only people and a population who speak a language called Arvanite/Albanian and the people call themselves Arvanites/Albanians”.
Another earlier government fact-finding mission about the Albanian inhabited regions in Europe, commissioned by Napoleon Bonaparte (Emperor of France) around the year 1800, confirmed that, Albanian regions extended from Mediterranean Sea and Peloponnese up to Dalmatia and Danube river, and eastward beyond Vardar (Dardhar) river bordering Aegean Sea.
By the way, Germany is still paying for the Otto’s racist and ignorance blunder, even today. It has gotten stuck with the country so called “Greece”. It is now forced to pour free money, even today, out of Germany’s pocket (through European Union as well) year after year to keep it alive and going, as this “Greece” cannot stand on its own.
It is an artificial creation of Prince Otto’s ill-conceived fantasy and the malevolent aims of then Russian Empire and the dangerous religious cult/sect called “Orthodox” Church – a “zombie”, “fake”, “scam” and a “plagiarized” country so to speak, and the new generations of the Germans and Europeans are continuing to pay the price for it. To illustrate, during its existence since 1832, this so-called country of ‘Greece” has changed twice its official language and three times its national flag.
Moreover, what Prince Otto did back then, is tantamount to a silent ethnic cleansing by alteration (followed later on by mass murder, pogroms, holocaust, and ethnocide by succeeding “Greek” governments).
He forced inhabitants of a whole region/place (called “Greece” today) to change by force their culture, language, national and ethnic identity to something else that those people were not, so they could artificially change in order to look modern and civilized (like artificial ancient “Greeks” in Otto’s personal view) and possibly be united.
And of course, Arvanites and Chams (as the majority population in the region) suffered mostly from this ethnic cleansing – which was later on followed even with mass killings, ethnocide, holocaust, and mass expulsions of Arvanites and Chams (who refused to change and trade their Arvanite/Albanian language for a Koine “zombie” language), by zombie and dwarf “Greek” governments and regimes that followed into the 20th century.
All this revelation, informs another major and mission critical nodal point: history taught about what is called “Greece” today, it appears to be taught wrong. People are wrongly taught in schools that today’s “Greece” and its people are the direct descendants of “ancient Greeks”.
“Greece and Greeks” of today, to some extent, also falsely think they are superior to others just because they are called “Greeks” and their country “Greece” by decree (not by the virtue of the truth).
They also seem to falsely believe for some reason, they are entitled to the German and European money being handed out to them – as, it seems, they are unable to create any value-added contribution to the European economy, culture, art, business, science and technology.
The school textbooks and historiography should change, telling people the truth as it is.
And with this, will come many other changes, in the way we see relations with the country called “Greece” today.
Shkencëtarët e Rinj Shqiptaro-Amerikanë
(Young Albanian-American Scientists)
New York, Qershor 2018
(June 2018) ====================================================================================