- Kosova is with America and America is in Kosova.


We awaited, rightfully and with great joy, the day of the Hearing Session on the Western Balkans in the House Foreign Affairs Committee of the U.S. Congress, chaired by the well-known Congressman Keith Self, a friend of the Albanians.
And we were not disappointed. The questions and issues raised by the congressmen and the answers given by the witnesses—whenever Kosova was the subject—were almost entirely in Kosova’s favor. Serbia was in the seat of the accused for all its destructive and destabilizing policies in the Balkans.
Among the most important points was the harsh criticism directed at Serbia for the systematic violation of the human rights of the Albanian population living in the ancestral regions of Preseva, Bujanoc, and Medvegja. Everyone present agreed on this point, and Congressman Self even presented a congressional resolution which may be considered historical.
The danger posed by Russian-Serbian hegemonism was emphasized, with a request that the Trump Administration engage more to preserve peace in the Western Balkans.
America has invested greatly in Kosova since 1999. This investment must be protected, maintained, and further developed. Since Europe, for many reasons, lacks the capacity to restrain Serbian aggression, it is essential that America be directly and decisively involved in the Balkans. The conflict between Kosova and Serbia can only be solved through American intervention.
Mr. Edward Joseph’s proposal for Kosova’s membership in NATO is the quickest solution to the problem with Serbia, because it extinguishes Serbian hopes for border changes and for returning to the place where it committed its crimes.
American engagement is always good news for Kosova, provided that one works hard with American officials—discussing calmly, with arguments, and with respect.
All this good news for Kosova was attempted to be belittled, distorted, and misused for personal, clan-based, and party interests by some representatives of Kosova’s opposition parties, together with their analysts and journalists from all sides, sold to the enemies of the Albanian people.
In the style of “oh men, the Bistrica river is on fire,” they fixated only on 15 seconds of this extraordinary session—more than four hours long—in which, during one of Congressman Self’s short routine questions about whether PM Albin Kurti is considered “an obstructionist” by some career bureaucrats in the State Department, two panelists answered yes, and the third mostly yes.
In many media, especially social media, sensational and disgracefully low-level headlines against Kurti exploded, with fantastical, illusory predictions about the “end” of his political career. The “blocker, obstacle” chorus began, along with the dance of his opponents and the enemies of Kosova. The internet nearly exploded. The day after the hearing was a circus day—it would have been funny if it weren’t shameful.
Where were these clowns three years ago when, in a Senate hearing, Senator Menendez asked senior State Department official Derek Chollet whether President Vučić had ties to organized crime, and he answered Yes?! Imagine if this had been said about Mr. Kurti—there would have been the end of the world.
It is well known that various career bureaucrats in the State Department may have differing opinions on certain issues, which they can change as needed.
During my 35 years of lobbying activity in Washington within the Albanian American Civic League, with national legends Joseph DioGuardi and Shirley Cloyes DioGuardi, we often were confronted with high-level U.S. officials influenced by Serbia, including former Secretary of State Lawrence Eagleburger.
Some of them called former Congressman DioGuardi a “troublemaker”. Such people were calmed by the U.S. Congress after the wise actions of the AACL and pressure by the Albanian-American community.
It must be emphasized that there are serious indications that the coordinator of many actions against Kosova and American interests in the Balkans—within certain American circles as well as within the Kosova opposition—is the former U.S. Ambassador Richard Grenell, influenced by Aleksandar Vučić’s fascist regime.
He is a sworn opponent of PM Albin Kurti, an open destroyer of Kosova’s democracy in 2020, a direct interferer in the free parliamentary elections of February 2025, and an adviser to Kosova’s opposition on how to block Kosova’s institutions and make political chaos, with the goal of removing Kurti from politics.
It is widely believed that he is also behind Bedri Hamza’s sudden and surprising trip to Washington—without any logic or need—just to boost the opposition’s chances and weaken Kurti before the elections. This is an anti-democratic act with the aim of interfering in the free elections of one country for the interests of another enemy country.
As former Ambassador Grenell’s public statements became noticeably pro-Serbian, he has begun to change his strategy, asking other American officials to come out publicly against Kosova and Prime Minister Kurti, including the American Embassy in Prishtina.
He is trying to empower the hostile organization “Lista Srpska” and facilitate Serbia’s return to Kosova, camouflaged by supposed economic relations.
The well-known Republican Congressman Mike Lawler recently told us in a meeting with the Albanian-American community, that Grenell presents himself as more important than he actually is within the Trump Administration. Furthermore, by supporting Serbian aggression, he seeks conflict in the Balkans, while President Trump is against conflicts and wars. For this reason Grenell’s time is on the decline.
Former Ambassador Christopher Hill, who has become Serbia’s lobbyist in Washington, is acting in the same way. He is criticizing Kosova and Prime Minister Kurti without any basis. Grenell and Hill do not represent official U.S. policy— they represent Serbian interests in America.
I hope that the people of Kosova will give their answer with their vote—by a majority for PM Albin Kurti on December 28, and at the appropriate time, for President Osmani. Only the people of Kosova can save Kosova from Serbia’s return, for a secure pro-European and pro-American future.
American support will not be lacking. In the end, America prefers strong and uncorrupted leaders like Vjosa Osmani, Albin Kurti, and Glauk Konjufca.
Kosova is with America and America is in Kosova. Serbia is with Russia and Russia is in Serbia. This will never change.

















Komplimente për analizën e rafinuar zysh Irisi. Argumentat që ju sillni janë shumë kuptimplotë dhe sa objektivë aq edhe subjektivë, kjo kuptohet derisa bëhet fjalë për letërsinë. Ju përgēzoj për këtë shkrim tuajin! Suksese në punën tuaj!
Pershendetje, jam mëse dakord me shkrimin tuaj dhe dua t’ju percjell espekt per angazhimin tuaj ne nje çeshtje qe ngjalli debate mbase jo krejt te panevojshme edhe pse njera pale ajo denigruese ishte çuditerisht më e eger dhe me e organizuar. (Ku ishin keta akademike kur Nga Programi i 2008-s u hoq Kuteli Hemingueji.?!..)Nga shkrimi juaj do veçoja momentin qe ju quani si – fillesa e nje konflikti sa metodik po aq emocional. Dhe vazhdoni:
.”….erdhi si nje shuplake ne fytyre ndaj stafit akademik dhe mesuesve apo maturanteve Shqiptare, pasi asnje reforme apo testim nuk duhet konceptuar pa nisur me pare pergatitjen e te gjitha paleve dhe arritur dakortesine mes te gjitheve.” Jo nuk ishte as e re dhe as e papritur. Qe ne 2015-2016 eshte punuar me Programin me kompetenca, i cili me ca ndryshime formale ne lenden e gjuhes shqipe vazhdoi ate te vitit 2008.
Nderkaq po te njihnit Programin e Gjuhes shqipe dhe letersise MASH 2008 e ne vazhdim deri 2011 do vereni se jnë të ishin programuar kerkesa qe orientonin botuesin mesuesin ne perdorimin e metodave bashkekohore te mesimdhenies dhe mesimnxenies permes 5 standardeve
Te degjuarit
Te folurit
Te lexuarit
Te shkruarit
Te veshtruarit
E gjithe kurrikula e vendoste lenden e gjuhes shqipe jo vetem si lende me vete por si nje nderlende qe do kishte vemendjen te veçante ne hartimin e planeve mesimore ne rang shkolle dhe komuniteti (prinderit dhe strukturat e zgjedhura prej tyre si dhe institucione arsimore kulturore qe gjenden rrotull shkolles)
Kjo lende synonte qe nxenesi gjimnazist permes strategjive te te lexuarit, ..te te veshtruarit, etj dhe teknikave te mesimdhenies sipas metodologjive interaktive te arrinte rezultate te larta edhe ne lendet e tjera mesimore shkenca humane dhe natyrore. Metodat bashkekohore te mesimdhenies sugjeroheshin ne Program shprehimisht duke i ftuar nxenesit ne nje tryeze te rrumbullaket per te realizuar kerkesat e ketij programi shkalle shkalle nga njohja e kuptimi deri tek sinteza dhe vleresimet.
Keto kerkesa te Programit iu dhane dhe Shtepive Botuese, te cilat pane me panik se duhet te ndryshonin Tekstet shkollore. Kjo ishte arsyeja qe iu sulen Programit duke perdorur lloj lloj argumentesh. Per çudi disa pedagoge jane po ata qe iu sulen Turit. Gjykoj se me shume se Turit iu sulen menyres se re te nderimin te aparateve pedagogjike, metodave moderne te fteses se nxenesit per te qene ne qender te mesimdhenies. Ne Programin e gjimnazit 2008 u vendosen
Standarde me te cilat punojne shume nga vendet me te perparuara ne fushen e arsimit. U mor pervoje nga Kanzasi USA, Britani e Madhe, Slloveni nen kujdestarine e Bankes Boterore. Standardet do arriheshin permes synimeve dhe objektivave te detajuara me nivele sipas taksonomise se Blumit(po e shkruaj si e shqiptojme ne)
Para 4 viteve u rrezua ky program dhe u nda Gjuha shqipe nga letersia. E humbur doli letersia qe u reduktua me dy ore. Programi u ndertua me Kompetenca d.m.th. qe permban dijeni aftesi qendrime.
Ne thelb eshte po ai program i 2008-s por kete radhe pa kompetencen e te veshtruarit. Edhe ne kete rast iu çua Shtepive Botuese dhe u perzgjodhen po ato te parat, te cilat u mjaftuan me ndarje librash mesimore ne mes. E paten te lehte sepse 8 vjet me radhe nuk e kishin integruar gjuhen me letersinë. Me e keqja ndodh se ende jo gjithmone reflektojne ne Tekstet mesimore qarte metodologjine qe duhet ndjekur per te arritur kompetecat e te degjuarit, te te folurit, lexuarit, te te shkruarit sipas niveleve.
NIVELI I PARË
Njohja dhe kuptimi (qè e perkthyer ne menyren e te pyeturit apo te òrientimit te hartimin te testimeve brenda kapitullit do te thote modele te tilla:
Gjej, zbulo detajet, nenvizo, lidh me shigjete… v
Tekstin letrar ose jo letrar -ç’lloj teksti… objektiv apo subjektiv
Drejtimin letrar – autorin -vepren etj.)
NIVELI I DYTË
Zbato njohurite e marra ne tekste te reja (ketu bente pjesë edhe teksti rrefyes joletrar mbi te cilin ishte ndërtuar pyetja per Turin. Në të nxenesit i kerkohej te vazhdonte te tregonte me koherencë sipas stilit te aksionit çfare mund te bente Turi ne nje situate te tille)
Analizo, zberthe, krahaso duke zbuluar te perbashketat apo te ndryshmet
NIVELI I TRETE.. PER KETE FLASIM HERE TJETER
Po ndalem tek momenti qe na terhoqi te gjitheve. Sipas mendimit tim
Turi shkurtimi i emrit Artur eshte emer i afert per ne dhe vetem perdorimi i shkurtimit e ben ate gati personazh sa familjar aq edhe terrethit shoqeror te ngushte. Pra, intim. Nese nuk eshte e lehte te flasesh per disiplinen shkencore te lendes atehere hajde flasim per Turin.
Gjithsesi te falenderoj per shkrimin!