• Dictators witness the downfall of others, yet they neither learn nor change, believing that the same fate could never befall them.

Dictatorships share many similarities, but they also have significant differences. Nevertheless, they all have one thing absolutely in common: their inevitable collapse and eventual end. The circumstances of their downfall may vary considerably. Those dictatorships that turn into tyrannies against their own people and refuse to surrender power without resorting to violence often meet the most disastrous ends.

Serbia’s dictator, Aleksandar Vučić, finally suffered a major defeat in the parliamentary elections of October 25, 2026. The Student Movement, with Ilija Srdanović heading its electoral list, won a parliamentary majority, bringing an end to more than 14 years of domination by the Serbian Progressive Party. Vučić’s dictatorship is collapsing, but the consequences of his rule remain. His future will depend on the extent of his wrongdoing, the facts and documents that substantiate it, and the determination of the new institutions to hold him accountable.

The political downfall of a Serbian dictator is certainly very good news, even though Kosova and the Albanian people do not expect major changes in Serbia’s hegemonic policies.

Beyond corruption and domestic problems, Vučić’s failures in Kosova, particularly in his confrontation with Prime Minister Albin Kurti, have dealt severe blows to his political authority. Among the most damaging were the disastrous failure of the Serbian terrorist attack in Banjska and his protection of its organizer, Milan Radoičić.

The responsibility of Vučić’s regime for the terrorist aggression in Banjska must be thoroughly investigated. This major failure, combined with the deep dissatisfaction of Serbian citizens over corruption and authoritarian rule, contributed to the weakening of his power and created the conditions for his electoral defeat.

His successor, whoever that may be, should think very carefully about how to deal with Kosova and the Albanian people. Kosova is the land where Serbian regimes committed barbaric crimes and, at the same time, the political graveyard of criminal Serbian regimes.

Albania’s dictator, Edi Rama, a close political collaborator of Vučić, is openly demonstrating that he will not step aside without dragging the country into a serious confrontation. He has entered a dead-end road. He has transformed democracy into an authoritarian system of government that is gradually taking on the characteristics of tyranny.

The suffering of the Albanian people under his regime has become enormous and unbearable. Mother Albania has been seriously endangered by Rama and his political hordes, the oligarchs, opportunists, power-hungry careerists, and unscrupulous operators surrounding him. Through corruption, theft, shady deals, cruelty, and tyranny.

The people of Albania are being robbed and beaten at the same time!

He has turned Kosova and the ancient Dardanian lands into bargaining chips in political deals with representatives of Serbia’s hegemonic policies. His failure to condemn Serbian war crimes, the Open Balkan initiative, attempts for the partition of Kosova, support for the Association of Serb-Majority Municipalities, his declaration of northern Kosova as a no-man’s-land, and his positions regarding the establishment of the Specialist Chambers are just some of his profoundly anti-national actions.

But Albin Kurti and the people of Kosova stopped him!

For months, the people of Albania have been demanding his resignation through continuous, dignified, and peaceful protests. Yet he refuses to listen!

I believe there are three main reasons.

First, his political arrogance and his conviction that he is superior, wiser, and more capable than everyone else, as though Albania could neither survive nor prosper without him.

Second, the serious suspicions of corruption accumulated during his long years in power, his connections with oligarchs, and the powerful economic and political interests from which he may find it increasingly difficult to break free.

Third, his close political ties with Vučić’s discredited regime, which he regarded as an opportunity to enhance his international standing.

He fails to understand that his misgovernment has crossed every acceptable boundary. The controversies surrounding Zvërnec and Sazan are only some of the questionable deals that have alarmed public opinion. The lack of transparency is frightening. God alone knows what he has done to Albania during his 13 years of rule. Many things may come to light only after his departure from power.

His problem is not merely his political opponents. His problem is the angry people of Albania themselves. People, especially young people and students, do not take to the streets so easily. His supposed offers of dialogue are insincere. His actions show not the slightest indication that he is prepared to undertake fundamental changes. The time for meaningless negotiations with him has passed.

Instead of resigning and freeing Albania from tyranny, he blames the people for his own failures. He continues making sensational claims about imaginary culprits, even though, as prime minister, he bears the primary responsibility for Albania’s problems. His supporters in the media have recently begun accusing Prime Minister Kurti of instigating the protests.

Kurti’s only “fault” is that he represents an example of a leader committed to governing with clean hands and exposing corrupt officials. He has demonstrated that he cannot easily be bought or blackmailed.

Interference by Prime Minister Kurti or other Kosova politicians in Albania’s internal affairs is neither desirable nor necessary. On the contrary, it could sow division and create unnecessary dangers. Kurti must not behave like Edi Rama, who, in cooperation with Serbia, has openly acted against Kosova’s interests.

Nevertheless, no one can prevent the Albanian people of Kosova, other Albanian territories, and the diaspora from supporting and participating in the just and peaceful protests of the Albanian people in Albania. This is a national duty. Albania belongs to all Albanians, regardless of where they live.

Rama’s claims that he possesses an unlimited and untouchable mandate until 2029 simply because he won elections with a majority of votes are untenable. Through their votes, the people authorize a leader to govern responsibly, not to govern badly or betray state and national interests. The people have the right to demand the removal of anyone who poses a danger to the state, through democratic and constitutional means.

The failure of certain international circles to react to or criticize Edi Rama’s actions may be explained by their preference for compliant leaders who do not interfere with their geopolitical interests, at least until they conclude that such leaders are no longer useful to them. The time has come for international diplomats to speak out openly against the brutal and undemocratic conduct of Edi Rama’s government.

Rama’s declarations that his mission is to bring Albania into the European Union, that he alone can accomplish this goal, and that the protests are obstructing the process defy all reasonable logic. Those who believe he is irreplaceable are either blinded by self-interest or overwhelmed by naivety.

Albania will be far better off without Edi Rama!

Edi Rama’s dictatorship in Albania must come to an end. Peaceful protests are the preferred method. Other forms of democratic resistance should also be considered, including peaceful blockades, boycotts, strikes, and civil disobedience. Cooperation between students, citizens, and uncompromised politicians from opposition parties is necessary to establish a serious democratic alternative.

Violence must be prevented, and those responsible for provoking it must be identified and isolated. Special caution is necessary regarding provocateurs and suspicious individuals from all sides, including the possibility of infiltration by those seeking to discredit the protests and provoke confrontations.

Police violence during recent protests has, in many instances, been excessive and cruel. The images of defenseless citizens being beaten by law enforcement officers are reminiscent of scenes of Serbian police brutality against Albanians. The Albanian people of Kosova experienced the violence of criminal Serbian regimes countless times before finally achieving their freedom.

The behavior of Socialist Party members of parliament and their almost unconditional support for Edi Rama, even after months of protests and widespread public discontent, is incomprehensible. It would be far more honorable and responsible for members of parliament with a sense of national duty and political integrity to demonstrate the courage necessary to secure the 71 votes required for a motion of no confidence against Edi Rama. Otherwise, they risk bearing political responsibility and sharing the unfortunate fate of his regime.

A notable exception is Socialist Party MP Marjana Koçeku, who deserves special respect and recognition for the courage and dignity she has demonstrated by openly opposing Edi Rama’s actions.

In any event, Edi Rama’s moral and political mandate to govern Albania has expired. This is the message being delivered loudly and clearly by Albanian citizens and young people demanding change. The end of his rule is inevitable. The longer he postpones facing political accountability, the more difficult his eventual downfall may become. The damage and consequences for Albania could be severe and unpredictable, but they are not unavoidable if reason and the democratic will of the people prevail.

Mother Albania will once again breathe freely, in a fraternal embrace with Kosova and all Albanians throughout the world!

Agim Aliçkaj

New York, October 31, 2026